Contents: 1 Pages. franz-boas-antropologia-cultural. pdf. Uploaded by. Luiz Gustavo Amorim. Download with Google Download with. Franz. BOAS Antropologia. Cultural organização celso castro -;MiM' U n iv e rs id a d e F e d e ra l d e P~mbuco B IB L IO T E C A C E N T R A L I C IO. File:Boas Franz Cuestiones fundamentales de antropologia cultural pdf . pdf (file size: MB, MIME type: application/pdf).

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BOAS, Franz - Antropologia - Download as PDF File .pdf) or view presentation slides online. PDF | On Jan 1, , Joan Prat i Carós and others published Ensayos de antropología cultural. Homenaje a Claudi Esteva Fabregat. Keywords: cultural relativism, Franz Boas, History of Anthropology, racial prejudice. Neste artigo, sugiro que a Antropologia de Boas, com sua ênfase no .

The paradigm of intersectionality in anthropology 3. Methodology and methods: Gender as a cross-cutting tool 3.

Subjectivity and externality of subjects 3. They also encompass exploration of the diverse conceptual debates on identity and identity processes, as well as explicit reflection on experience, difference and subjectivity. These classes include discussion of concepts, problems and issues relating to the topics taught in theory classes with practical exercises. They also include presentations of anthropological research for the purpose of studying contemporary anthropological analysis applied to the topics covered in class, using gender as a cross-cutting tool.

This subject is taught in English throughout. Students are expected to have a good command of the language in order to understand the theoretical sessions and to fully participate in the practical ones. Communication via Campus Virtual will also be in English. Each student will be assessed on one presentation over the duration of the course.

Commentaries must be written on the required reading material for each of the seven seminars and on one optional topic. Familiarity with the course reading material must be demonstrated in both the presentation and the written text.

The evaluation process will be in English. While students are allowed to submit reviews and written work in Catalan or Spanish all feedback will be provided in English. During Boas's lifetime, as today, many Westerners saw a fundamental difference between modern societies, which are characterized by dynamism and individualism, and traditional societies which are stable and homogeneous.

Boas's empirical field research, however, led him to argue against this comparison. For example, his essay, "Decorative Designs of Alaskan Needlecases: Museum", provides another example of how Boas made broad theoretical claims based on a detailed analysis of empirical data. After establishing formal similarities among the needlecases, Boas shows how certain formal features provide a vocabulary out of which individual artisans could create variations in design. Thus, his emphasis on culture as a context for meaningful action made him sensitive to individual variation within a society William Henry Holmes suggested a similar point in an paper, "Origin and development of form and ornament in ceramic art", although unlike Boas he did not develop the ethnographic and theoretical implications.

In a programmatic essay in , "The Methods of Ethnology", Boas argued that instead of "the systematic enumeration of standardized beliefs and customs of a tribe", anthropology needs to document "the way in which the individual reacts to his whole social environment, and to the difference of opinion and of mode of action that occur in primitive society and which are the causes of far-reaching changes". Boas argued that attention to individual agency reveals that "the activities of the individual are determined to a great extent by his social environment, but in turn, his own activities influence the society in which he lives and may bring about modifications in a form".

Consequently, Boas thought of culture as fundamentally dynamic: All cultural forms rather appear in a constant state of flux Having argued against the relevance of the distinction between literate and non-literate societies as a way of defining anthropology's object of study, Boas argued that non-literate and literate societies should be analyzed in the same way. Nineteenth-century historians had been applying the techniques of philology to reconstruct the histories of, and relationships between, literate societies.

In order to apply these methods to non-literate societies, Boas argued that the task of fieldworkers is to produce and collect texts in non-literate societies.

This took the form not only of compiling lexicons and grammars of the local language, but of recording myths, folktales, beliefs about social relationships and institutions, and even recipes for local cuisine.

In order to do this, Boas relied heavily on the collaboration of literate native ethnographers among the Kwakiutl, most often George Hunt , and he urged his students to consider such people valuable partners, inferior in their standing in Western society, but superior in their understanding of their own culture.

Using these methods, Boas published another article in , in which he revisited his earlier research on Kwakiutl kinship. In the late s, Boas had tried to reconstruct transformation in the organization of Kwakiutl clans, by comparing them to the organization of clans in other societies neighboring the Kwakiutl to the north and south.

Now, however, he argued against translating the Kwakiutl principle of kin groups into an English word. Instead of trying to fit the Kwakiutl into some larger model, he tried to understand their beliefs and practices in their own terms.

For example, whereas he had earlier translated the Kwakiutl word numaym as "clan", he now argued that the word is best understood as referring to a bundle of privileges, for which there is no English word. Men secured claims to these privileges through their parents or wives, and there were a variety of ways these privileges could be acquired, used, and transmitted from one generation to the next.

As in his work on alternating sounds, Boas had come to realize that different ethnological interpretations of Kwakiutl kinship were the result of the limitations of Western categories. As in his work on Alaskan needlecases, he now saw variation among Kwakiutl practices as the result of the play between social norms and individual creativity.

Before his death in , he appointed Helen Codere to edit and publish his manuscripts about the culture of the Kwakiutl people. Franz Boas was an immensely influential figure throughout the development of folklore as a discipline. At first glance, it might seem that his only concern was for the discipline of anthropology—after all, he fought for most of his life to keep folklore as a part of anthropology.

Yet Boas was motivated by his desire to see both anthropology and folklore become more professional and well-respected. Boas was afraid that if folklore was allowed to become its own discipline the standards for folklore scholarship would be lowered. This, combined with the scholarships of "amateurs", would lead folklore to be completely discredited, Boas believed. In order to further professionalize folklore, Boas introduced the strict scientific methods which he learned in college to the discipline.

Boas championed the use of exhaustive research, fieldwork, and strict scientific guidelines in folklore scholarship. Boas believed that a true theory could only be formed from thorough research and that even once you had a theory it should be treated as a "work in progress" unless it could be proved beyond doubt. This rigid scientific methodology was eventually accepted as one of the major tenets of folklore scholarship, and Boas's methods remain in use even today. Boas also nurtured many budding folklorists during his time as a professor, and some of his students are counted among the most notable minds in folklore scholarship.

Boas was passionate about the collection of folklore and believed that the similarity of folktales amongst different folk groups was due to dissemination. Boas strove to prove this theory, and his efforts produced a method for breaking a folktale into parts and then analyzing these parts.

His creation of "catch-words" allowed for categorization of these parts, and the ability to analyze them in relation to other similar tales. Boas also fought to prove that not all cultures progressed along the same path, and that non-European cultures, in particular, were not primitive, but different. Boas remained active in the development and scholarship of folklore throughout his life. He became the editor of the Journal of American Folklore in , regularly wrote and published articles on folklore often in the Journal of American Folklore , and helped to elect Louise Pound as president of the American Folklore Society in There are two things to which I am devoted: This means a devotion to principles of true democracy.

I object to the teaching of slogans intended to befog the mind, of whatever kind they may be. Boas was known for passionately defending what he believed to be right. Many social scientists in other disciplines often agonize over the legitimacy of their work as "science" and consequently emphasize the importance of detachment, objectivity, abstraction, and quantifiability in their work. Perhaps because Boas, like other early anthropologists, was originally trained in the natural sciences, he and his students never expressed such anxiety.

Moreover, he did not believe that detachment, objectivity, and quantifiability was required to make anthropology scientific. Since the object of study of anthropologists is different from the object of study of physicists, he assumed that anthropologists would have to employ different methods and different criteria for evaluating their research. Thus, Boas used statistical studies to demonstrate the extent to which variation in data is context-dependent, and argued that the context-dependent nature of human variation rendered many abstractions and generalizations that had been passing as scientific understandings of humankind especially theories of social evolution popular at the time in fact unscientific.

His understanding of ethnographic fieldwork began with the fact that the objects of ethnographic study e. More importantly, he viewed the Inuit as his teachers, thus reversing the typical hierarchical relationship between scientist and object of study. This emphasis on the relationship between anthropologists and those they study—the point that, while astronomers and stars; chemists and elements; botanists and plants are fundamentally different, anthropologists and those they study are equally human—implied that anthropologists themselves could be objects of anthropological study.

Although Boas did not pursue this reversal systematically, his article on alternating sounds illustrates his awareness that scientists should not be confident about their objectivity, because they too see the world through the prism of their culture.

This emphasis also led Boas to conclude that anthropologists have an obligation to speak out on social issues. Boas was especially concerned with racial inequality , which his research had indicated is not biological in origin, but rather social.

Boas is credited as the first scientist to publish the idea that all people—including white and African-Americans—are equal. An early example of this concern is evident in his commencement address to Atlanta University , at the invitation of W. Boas began by remarking that "If you did accept the view that the present weakness of the American Negro, his uncontrollable emotions, his lack of energy, are racially inherent, your work would still be noble one".

He then went on, however, to argue against this view. To the claim that European and Asian civilizations are, at the time, more advanced than African societies, Boas objected that against the total history of humankind, the past two thousand years is but a brief span. Moreover, although the technological advances of our early ancestors such as taming fire and inventing stone tools might seem insignificant when compared to the invention of the steam engine or control over electricity, we should consider that they might actually be even greater accomplishments.

Boas then went on to catalogue advances in Africa, such as smelting iron, cultivating millet, and domesticating chickens and cattle, that occurred in Africa well before they spread to Europe and Asia evidence now suggests that chickens were first domesticated in Asia; the original domestication of cattle is under debate.

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He then described the activities of African kings, diplomats, merchants, and artists as evidence of cultural achievement. From this, he concluded, any social inferiority of Negroes in the United States cannot be explained by their African origins:. If therefore, it is claimed that your race is doomed to economic inferiority, you may confidently look to the home of your ancestors and say, that you have set out to recover for the colored people the strength that was their own before they set foot on the shores of this continent.

You may say that you go to work with bright hopes and that you will not be discouraged by the slowness of your progress; for you have to recover not only what has been lost in transplanting the Negro race from its native soil to this continent, but you must reach higher levels than your ancestors ever had attained.

Boas proceeds to discuss the arguments for the inferiority of the "Negro race", and calls attention to the fact that they were brought to the Americas through force.

For Boas, this is just one example of the many times conquest or colonialism has brought different peoples into an unequal relation, and he mentions "the conquest of England by the Normans, the Teutonic invasion of Italy, [and] the Manchu conquest of China" as resulting in similar conditions. But the best example, for Boas, of this phenomenon is that of the Jews in Europe:.

Even now there lingers in the consciousness of the old, sharper divisions which the ages had not been able to efface, and which is strong enough to find—not only here and there—expression as antipathy to the Jewish type.

In France, that let down the barriers more than a hundred years ago, the feeling of antipathy is still strong enough to sustain an anti-Jewish political party. Boas's closing advice is that African-Americans should not look to whites for approval or encouragement because people in power usually take a very long time to learn to sympathize with people out of power.

Do not look for the impossible, but do not let your path deviate from the quiet and steadfast insistence on full opportunities for your powers. Despite Boas's caveat about the intractability of white prejudice, he also considered it the scientist's responsibility to argue against white myths of racial purity and racial superiority and to use the evidence of his research to fight racism.

Boas was also critical of one nation imposing its power over others. Although Boas did begin the letter by protesting bitter attacks against German-Americans at the time of the war in Europe, most of his letter was a critique of American nationalism.

For this reason, one-sided nationalism, that is so often found nowadays, is to be unendurable. I have always been of the opinion that we have no right to impose our ideals upon other nations, no matter how strange it may seem to us that they enjoy the kind of life they lead, how slow they may be in utilizing the resources of their countries, or how much opposed their ideas may be to ours Our intolerant attitude is most pronounced in regard to what we like to call "our free institutions.

That the wishes and thoughts of the people should find expression, and that the form of government should conform to these wishes is an axiom that has pervaded the whole Western world, and that is even taking root in the Far East. It is a quite different question, however, in how far the particular machinery of democratic government is identical with democratic institutions To claim as we often do, that our solution is the only democratic and the ideal one is a one-sided expression of Americanism.

I see no reason why we should not allow the Germans, Austrians, and Russians, or whoever else it may be, to solve their problems in their own ways, instead of demanding that they bestow upon themselves the benefactions of our regime. Although Boas felt that scientists have a responsibility to speak out on social and political problems, he was appalled that they might involve themselves in disingenuous and deceitful ways.

Thus, in , when he discovered that four anthropologists, in the course of their research in other countries, were serving as spies for the American government, he wrote an angry letter to The Nation. It is perhaps in this letter that he most clearly expresses his understanding of his commitment to science:.

A soldier whose business is murder as a fine art, a diplomat whose calling is based on deception and secretiveness, a politician whose very life consists in compromises with his conscience, a businessman whose aim is personal profit within the limits allowed by a lenient law—such may be excused if they set patriotic deception above common everyday decency and perform services as spies.

They merely accept the code of morality to which modern society still conforms. Not so the scientist. The very essence of his life is the service of truth. We all know scientists who in private life do not come up to the standard of truthfulness, but who, nevertheless, would not consciously falsify the results of their researches. It is bad enough if we have to put up with these because they reveal a lack of strength of character that is liable to distort the results of their work.

A person, however, who uses science as a cover for political spying, who demeans himself to pose before a foreign government as an investigator and asks for assistance in his alleged researches in order to carry on, under this cloak, his political machinations, prostitutes science in an unpardonable way and forfeits the right to be classed as a scientist. Although Boas did not name the spies in question, he was referring to a group led by Sylvanus G. Morley , [75] who was affiliated with Harvard University's Peabody Museum.

While conducting research in Mexico , Morley and his colleagues looked for evidence of German submarine bases, and collected intelligence on Mexican political figures and German immigrants in Mexico.

Boas's stance against spying took place in the context of his struggle to establish a new model for academic anthropology at Columbia University. Previously, American anthropology was based at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington and the Peabody Museum at Harvard, and these anthropologists competed with Boas's students for control over the American Anthropological Association and its flagship publication American Anthropologist. When the National Academy of Sciences established the National Research Council in as a means by which scientists could assist the United States government to prepare for entry into the war in Europe, competition between the two groups intensified.

Boas's rival, W. When Boas's letter was published, Holmes wrote to a friend complaining about "the Prussian control of anthropology in this country" and the need to end Boas's "Hun regime".

Members of the American Anthropological Association among whom Boas was a founding member in , meeting at the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard with which Morley, Lothrop, and Spinden were affiliated , voted by 20 to 10 to censure Boas. The AAA's censure of Boas was not rescinded until Boas continued to speak out against racism and for intellectual freedom.

When the Nazi Party in Germany denounced " Jewish Science " which included not only Boasian Anthropology but Freudian psychoanalysis and Einsteinian physics , Boas responded with a public statement signed by over 8, other scientists, declaring that there is only one science, to which race and religion are irrelevant. This organization was originally dedicated to fostering friendly relations between American and German and Austrian scientists and for providing research funding to German scientists who had been adversely affected by the war, [77] and to help scientists who had been interned.

Boas helped these scientists not only to escape but to secure positions once they arrived. He also wrote an article in The American Mercury arguing that there were no differences between Aryans and non-Aryans and the German government should not base its policies on such a false premise.

Boas, and his students such as Melville J. Herskovits one of Franz Boas's students pointed out that the health problems and social prejudices encountered by these children Rhineland Bastards and their parents explained what Germans viewed as racial inferiority was not due to racial heredity.

This " Boas are in part quite ingenious, but in the field of heredity Mr. Boas is by no means competent" even though "a great number of research projects at the KWI-A which had picked up on Boas' studies about immigrants in New York had confirmed his findings—including the study by Walter Dornfeldt about Eastern European Jews in Berlin.

Fischer resorted to polemic simply because he had no arguments to counter the Boasians' critique. Between and , Columbia University produced seven PhDs in anthropology. Although by today's standards this is a very small number, at the time it was sufficient to establish Boas's Anthropology Department at Columbia as the preeminent anthropology program in the country.

Moreover, many of Boas's students went on to establish anthropology programs at other major universities. Boas's first doctoral student at Columbia was Alfred L.

Kroeber , [87] who, along with fellow Boas student Robert Lowie , started the anthropology program at the University of California, Berkeley.

He also trained William Jones , one of the first Native American Indian anthropologists the Fox nation who was killed while conducting research in the Philippines in , and Albert B. Lewis Boas also trained a number of other students who were influential in the development of academic anthropology: Frank Speck who trained with Boas but received his PhD.

He also trained John R. Swanton who studied with Boas at Columbia for two years before receiving his doctorate from Harvard in , Paul Radin , Ruth Benedict , Gladys Reichard who had begun teaching at Barnard College in and was later promoted to the rank of professor, Ruth Bunzel , Alexander Lesser , Margaret Mead , and Gene Weltfish who defended her dissertation in , although she did not officially graduate until when Columbia reduced the expenses required to graduate , E.

Several of Boas's students went on to serve as editors of the American Anthropological Association's flagship journal, American Anthropologist: John R. Most of Boas's students shared his concern for careful, historical reconstruction, and his antipathy towards speculative, evolutionary models.

Moreover, Boas encouraged his students, by example, to criticize themselves as much as others. For example, Boas originally defended the cephalic index systematic variations in head form as a method for describing hereditary traits, but came to reject his earlier research after further study; he similarly came to criticize his own early work in Kwakiutl Pacific Northwest language and mythology. Encouraged by this drive to self-criticism, as well as the Boasian commitment to learn from one's informants and to let the findings of one's research shape one's agenda, Boas's students quickly diverged from his own research agenda.

Several of his students soon attempted to develop theories of the grand sort that Boas typically rejected.

Boas, Franz - Antropologia Cultural

Kroeber called his colleagues' attention to Sigmund Freud and the potential of a union between cultural anthropology and psychoanalysis. Ruth Benedict developed theories of "culture and personality" and "national cultures", and Kroeber's student, Julian Steward developed theories of "cultural ecology" and "multilineal evolution".

Nevertheless, Boas has had an enduring influence on anthropology. Virtually all anthropologists today accept Boas's commitment to empiricism and his methodological cultural relativism. Moreover, virtually all cultural anthropologists today share Boas's commitment to field research involving extended residence, learning the local language, and developing social relationships with informants.

In his book, Race: The History of an Idea in America , Thomas Gossett wrote that "It is possible that Boas did more to combat race prejudice than any other person in history. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Franz Boas. Minden , Westphalia , Germany. New York , U. Meier Boas — , Sophie Meyer Boas — Outline History. Archaeological Biological Cultural Linguistic Social. Social Cultural. Research framework. Key concepts. Key theories.

Actor—network theory Alliance theory Cross-cultural studies Cultural materialism Culture theory Diffusionism Feminism Historical particularism Boasian anthropology Functionalism Interpretive Performance studies Political economy Practice theory Structuralism Post-structuralism Systems theory. Anthropologists by nationality Anthropology by year Bibliography Journals List of indigenous peoples Organizations.

Main article: World's Columbian Exposition. This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources.

Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. July Learn how and when to remove this template message. Boasian anthropology. Boas, , p. A Franz Boas reader: University of Chicago Press, Natural History. November George W. Culture in Context". Visions of Culture: Walnut Creek, California: The History of an Idea in America.

New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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It is possible that Boas did more to combat race prejudice than any other person in history. Franz Boas on Jewish Identity and Assimilation". American Anthropologist.

Norton and Company, Inc. The Early Years, — p. Douglas and MacIntyre. An Anthropologist's Credo. The Nation National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoirs. High Points in Anthropology 2nd Ed. New York: How It Came to Be: Carl O. Ephemera Press. The Man. American Anthropological Association". A Social History. John Benjamins Publishing Company. Franklin ed. African Americans and Jews in the Twentieth Century: Studies in Convergence and Conflict. University of Missouri Press.

Storyteller , p. His student Parsons stayed behind and documented Laguna language and stories. Franz Boas, Modernism, and the Origins of Anthropology. In Prehistories of the Future: The Primitivist Project and the Culture of Modernism. Barkan and R. Bush, eds. Stanford University Press. In History of Anthropology , vol. Volksgeist as Method and Ethic. Stocking Jr. University of Wisconsin Press.

Retrieved In Observers Observed: Essays on Ethnographic Fieldwork. The Early Years.

University of Washington Press. History of the World's Fair: Philadelphia, PA: World Digital Library. Augustin 1 ed. Johann Gottfried von Herder". August The Franz Boas Papers, Volume 1: U of Nebraska Press. Race, culture, and evolution: Essays in the history of anthropology. Free Press. From Totems to Teachers New York: South Royalton, VT: Steerforth Press. Moore, Jerry D.

The Critique of Racial Formalism Revisited". Current Anthropology. Science for Segregation: Race, Law, and the Case against Brown v. Board of Education. NYU Press. Lay summary 30 August Defending the Master Race: Conservation, Eugenics, and the Legacy of Madison Grant. Lay summary 29 September Boas revisited". International Journal of American Linguistics. Historiographia Linguistica. Traditions and paradigms. Edited by D. Hymes, pp. Comments Based on Iroquoian". Du Bois, —". Cultural Anthropology.

Bulletin of the History of Archaeology. Zellig Harris: From American Linguistics to Socialist Zionism. MIT Press , Apr 15, , p. Anthropological Theory. Richard Handler. American Quarterly , Vol. Franz Boas, Burt G. Wilder, and the Cause of Racial Justice, —".

Encounters Between Boas and Starr. The Museum Journal , American Quarterly. Alfred Kroeber and Franz Boas, —". Boas was opposed to racism, as were students such as Ashley Montagu , etc. It seems unlikely that the "father" of the modern racist theory of Lusotropicalism had ever worked closely with Boas. For example, he too presented himself as if he had been a follower of Boas ever since his student days.

An Introduction to Anthropological Theories and Theorists. Rowman Altamira. Journal of the Folklore Institute. Franz Boas and the Continuing Centrality of Texts". Sources and Methods in Indigenous Studies. And Along Came Boas: Continuity and Revolution in Americanist Anthropology. Presidents of the American Anthropological Association. Hodge —16 Alfred L. Beals William W. Howells Wendell C. Foster Charles Wagley Anthony F.

Wallace Joseph B. Casagrande Edward H. Spicer Ernestine Friedl Walter Goldschmidt Richard N. Adams Francis L. Hsu Paul Bohannan Conrad M. Arensberg William C. Sturtevant M.

Moses —97 Jane H. Hill —99 Louise Lamphere — Goodman —07 Setha Low —09 Virginia R. Philosophy of language. Index of language articles. Ayer G. Causal theory of reference Contrast theory of meaning Contrastivism Conventionalism Cratylism Deconstruction Descriptivism Direct reference theory Dramatism Expressivism Linguistic determinism Mediated reference theory Nominalism Non-cognitivism Phallogocentrism Relevance theory Semantic externalism Semantic holism Structuralism Supposition theory Symbiosism Theological noncognitivism Theory of descriptions Definite description Verification theory.

Category Task Force Discussion. Semitic Hamitic Japhetic.Even though the information he recounts was translated many times before transcribed, artifacts similar to the ones he describes have been found in modern excavations in Russia and Kazakhstan.

Lewis , and Matti Bunzl —have pointed out that Boas explicitly rejected physics in favor of history as a model for his anthropological research. Putnam argued that showing late nineteenth century Inuit and First Nations then called Eskimo and Indians "in their natural conditions of life" would provide a contrast and celebrate the four centuries of Western accomplishments since Studies in Convergence and Conflict.

However, like most other natural scientists prior to the rediscovery of Mendelian genetics in and the development of the modern synthesis , Virchow felt that Darwin's theories were weak because they lacked a theory of cellular mutability.

While conducting research in Mexico , Morley and his colleagues looked for evidence of German submarine bases, and collected intelligence on Mexican political figures and German immigrants in Mexico. Later in life, he began to teach at the Universities of Toronto, Louisville, and Buffalo. Boas, however, felt that the form an artifact took reflected the circumstances under which it was produced and used. Gravlee, H. This subject is taught in English throughout.